Will-Power is the Only Weapon We Can Use

by Ayder Muzhdaba "Aydin" Center of Public Initiatives

The 13th meeting of Centers of Pluralism took place in Minsk in Belarus from 23 to 25 April 1999. Over sixty people from twenty countries participated. We describe the meeting through the voices of several participants.

The meeting, called "Fighting Together - for Democracy", was devoted to the comparison of the social and political situation in Belarus with that in other post-communist countries, and emphasised the development of the civic sector. Participants of the meeting compared the situation in Belarus with those in Ukraine, Cuba, Russia, the Caucasus, Yugoslavia, the Baltic states, and others. The meeting was organized by the Institute of Democracy for Eastern Europe (IDEE-- Washington and Warsaw) and the "Supolnosc" Center based in Minsk.

At this meeting, Crimea was represented by four public organizations: the "AYDIN" Center, the "Rebirth of Crimea" Foundation, the "Teachers' Council" and the "Crimean Tatars' Initiative".

I want to take this opportunity to share my perspective on the political situation in Belarus.

The average Crimean believes that Belarus is a communist paradise, governed by a fair "Tsar -father." Crimea's pro-Russian media, which dominate the peninsula, widely propagate this stereotype.

Being a Crimean Tatar, I expected to see a country from the Stalinist times. My feelings increased as we entered Minsk. The city, with its Stalinist buildings and Soviet symbols, made a depressing impression. A young man who met us tried to tell us the history of the city. But I could not listen. The Marx and Lenin Squares, the monuments to Kalinin and Dzherzhinskiy were likely to drive any person who did not consider himself a "true Soviet" completely mad. I do not know what my friends thought, but I only wanted this horror to end as soon as possible.

Luckily, my worst fears were unfounded. I found that a democratic Belarus lives in the activities of the young workers at Center Supolnasc and organizations like it, despite the repressions imposed by Belarus' "totalitarian idol." I was pleasantly surprised to see that the core of the national democratic movement is made up of young people. Young people,14-16 years of age, set up civic organizations and join political parties. I was told that the majority of Belarusan political prisoners are university and college students, who rejoin the national movement immediately after their release form prison. In my opinion, Belarus has a far larger youth presence in its democratic movement than does Ukraine. One doesn't have to be a genius to understand that any democratic movement based on young people has a future. Belarus will not be held long in captivity.

And yet there is another Belarusan phenomenon which deserves our attention. Lukashenka, given his "brilliant" intellect, was able to do what no other democratic leader in the post-Soviet territory was able to do: he managed to consolidate the Belarusan people. Today, the opposition press, public organizations, and Belarusan trade unions are united in a common democratic union. Most importantly, this union is effective. Leaders of different opposition parties have placed their ambitions and plans "aboard the ship of democracy." These days, I often wonder "Does Ukraine also need a Lukashenka to make the democratic organizations realize what danger threatens them?"

On the last day of the meeting, we took part in the "Chernobyl Path", a demonstration organized by the Belarusian opposition. Marching protesters - including a disabled old man and his 14 year-old son and a young mother holding her 4-year-old son by the hand?? - recited "Belarus - To NATO!" In this slogan, I heard the marchers give voice to a deeply held belief: "Belarus Is Alive!!"